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When a rightist is doused in gasoline and torched, is it contributing to climate change or does Trump say it's OK?


Right-Wing Populism and Climate Change Denial: The Roles of Exclusionary
and Anti-Egalitarian Preferences, Conservative Ideology, and
Antiestablishment Attitudes
Kirsti M. Jylha, Kahl Hellmer
First published: 22 April 2020
https: //doi. org/10.1111/asap.12203
Citations: 66

Acknowledgements: We are thankful for the anonymous reviewers and the
editor for their valuable comments on the previous draft of this article.
We also thank the students of the course Personality psychology at Uppsala University, spring and fall semesters of 2016, for help with data
collection. Preparations of this manuscript were supported by a grant
awarded by the Swedish Research Council (grant number 2018-00782) to Kirsti Jylha. The material, data, and R codes are available to other researchers
in https: //osf. io/59fnk/.
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Abstract

Populist right-wing politicians and voters tend to dismiss climate change.
To investigate possible reasons for this, we tested correlations between climate change denial and variables linked to right-wing populism (Study 1:
N = 1,587; Study 2: N = 909). The strongest predictor of climate change
denial was an index capturing exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences (opposition to, e. g. , multiculturalism and feminism), followed by
traditional values (Study 1) and Social Dominance Orientation (Study 2). Populist antiestablishment attitudes correlated only weakly with climate
change denial, and this correlation vanished when exclusionary and anti- egalitarian preferences were controlled for. Also, the effects of authoritarianism (Study 2) and (low) openness vanished in the full models. Climate change denial did not correlate with (low) agreeableness, which is
a personality trait linked to populism. However, both antiestablishment attitudes and climate change denial correlated with pseudoscientific
beliefs (e. g. , anti-vaccination attitudes) (Study 1). To conclude, we did
not find support for a notable linkage between climate change denial and populist antiestablishment attitudes. Thus, when addressing climate change denial, it could be more beneficial to focus on the ideological worldviews
that are being protected by denial, such as endorsement of the existing societal power relations, than on the antiestablishment arguments used by
some who deny.

According to extensive scientific evidence, human actions are causing
changes to the climate system (Cook et al. , 2016). Urgent reductions of
global greenhouse gas emissions are needed to mitigate the rate and impacts
of climate change, but the efforts to succeed in this have been
insufficient (Anderson & Peters 2016; Burck et al. , 2017). One reason for
this is that uncertainty and denial regarding different aspects of climate change still exist in society (Sibley & Kurz, 2013; Vainio & Paloniemi,
2011). Even if individuals accept that climate is changing, they may doubt
the extent of human contributions to itor the magnitude of its effectswhich could lead them to question the meaningfulness of the proposed behavioral
and systemic changes to meet the climate targets (Leviston & Walker, 2012).

Climate change denial correlates with political right-wing orientation (Hornsey, Harris, Bain & Fielding, 2016; McCright & Dunlap, 2003;
Poortinga, Spence, Whitmarsh, Capstick & Pidgeon, 2011) and conservative sociopolitical ideologies (Jylha, Cantal, Akrami & Mifont, 2016; Stanley & Wilson, 2019) in several Western countries. Moreover, recent analyses
suggest that politicians and voters of populist right-wing parties are particularly inclined to dismiss climate change (Forchtner, Kroneder &
Wetzel, 2018; Lockwood, 2018). The reason for this is unclear from previous research that has focused mainly on analyzing environmentalism in relation
to mainstream political views. Thus, the current article aims to
investigate the correlations of climate change denial with attitudes and personality traits that are commonly observed among right-wing populists. Climate Change Denial and Sociopolitical Ideology

Climate change denial correlates with political right-wing orientation (e.
g. , Hornsey, Harris, Bain & Fielding, 2016) and research has aimed to investigate what part of ideology could explain this (e. g. , Jylha, 2016; Stanley & Wilson, 2019). Political orientation is related to two
conservative ideologies: right-leaning individuals tend to be more
accepting of (1) traditional values and societal structures, and (2) hierarchical relationships between societal groups (Duckitt, 2001; Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski & Sulloway, 2003).

Inclination to protect traditional values and lifestyles has been linked to climate change denial (Clarke, Ling, Kothe, Klas & Richardson, 2019;
Hoffarth & Hodson, 2016; Stanley, Wilson & Milfont, 2017). This could
indicate a motivation to see the current system as fair, and a resistance
to admitting that the status quo should be changed to mitigate climate
change (Feygina, Jost & Goldsmith, 2010). In other studies, the focal point
has been acceptance of hierarchical relationships between social groups (Milfont, Richter, Sibley, Wilson & Fischer, 2013) and between humans and nature (Jylha & Akrami, 2015). In line with this, narrative that focuses on climate justice has been found to increase political polarization on
climate change (Whitmarsh & Cornel, 2017). Climate change denial could thus reflect an effort to protect the existing societal practices that serve
wealthy and powerful nations and individuals, regardless of the negative effects that disadvantaged people, nonhuman animals, and future generations
may be facing (Jylha, Cantal, Akrami & Milfont, 2016; McCright & Dunlap,
2011, see also Kahan et al. , 2012).
Climate Change Denial and Right-Wing Populism

Despite the extensive research into the relationships between climate
change denial and traditional mainstream political views, less is known
about the correlation between denial and populist attitudes. Populist right-wing parties have been growing in several Western countries over the
past decades, and politicians and supporters of these parties are
particularly inclined to dismiss climate change (Forchtner & Klvraa, 2015; Forchtner, Kroneder & Wetzel, 2018; Jylha, Rydgren & Strimling, 2019a, Lockwood, 2018). Thus, lack of research in this area is surprising. Exclusionary and Anti-Egalitarian Preferences and Conservative Ideology

Right-wing populists tend to endorse socially conservative ideologies
(Mudde 2007; Rydgren 2007; van Assche, van Hiel, Dhont, & Roets, 2018).
These ideologies predict generalized prejudice toward multiple
disadvantaged groups (e. g. , immigrants and women; Bergh, Akrami, Sidanius
& Sibley, 2016; Ekehammar, Akrami, Gylje & Zakrisson, 2004) and, in line
with this, right-wing populists express generally exclusionary and anti- egalitarian preferences. That is, they strive to protect or restore the relative higher status of the native majority groups while opposing multiculturalism, immigration, and societal focus on minority rights and feminism (Jungar & Jupskas, 2014; Jylha, Rydgren & Strimling, 2019b; Mols & Jetten, 2016; Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser, 2013; Rooduijn, Burgoon, van Elsas
& van de Werfhorst, 2017). Thus, their tendency to deny climate change
could reflect the previously discussed findings regarding acceptance of the prevailing social power structures.

Supporting this, aversion to wealth redistribution partly mediates the correlation between Trump support and climate change denial (Panno, Carrus
& Leone, 2019). Also, climate change denial correlates with racial
resentment and negative views on immigration (Benegal, 2018; Krange,
Kaltenborn & Hultman, 2018; Ojala, 2015). Building on these results and the previously described patterns of generalized prejudice (e. g. , Ekehammar, krami, Gylje & Zakrisson, 2004), it seems possible that climate change
denial correlates with a broader set of attitudes including, for example, conservatism, exclusionism, and anti-egalitarianism.
Populist Antiestablishment Attitudes

Populism is commonly defined as a thin-centered ideology including a view
of society being divided into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups: the
pure and virtuous people and the corrupt and self-absorbed elite (e. g. , politicians and researchers; Mudde, 2004). Being a thin-centered ideology, populism alone cannot form a political agenda, but is mixed with a host ideology that can either be on the left or right.

Populist antiestablishment views could help explain climate change denial (Forchtner, Kroneder & Wetzel, 2018). Indeed, dismissive discourses
regarding climate change often portray the mainstream researchers as untrustworthy and corrupt (Cann & Raymond, 2018). Moreover, both climate
change deniers and right-wing populists commonly claim to be in an underdog position or to be political victims whose voices are silenced in society (Anshelm & Hultman, 2014; Hellstrom & Nilsson, 2010). These views also seem compatible with a generally conspiratorial mindset that has been linked
with both climate change denial (Lewandowsky, Oberauer & Gignac, 2013) and populist worldviews (Castanho Silva, Vegetti & Littvay, 2017).

Importantly, there is a need to empirically test whether antiestablishment attitudes indeed correlate positively with climate change denial. Such a correlation could be expected based on some research that has focused on
the effects of political or institutional distrust (Harring & Jagers, 2013; Ojala, 2015; Vainio & Paloniemi, 2011), which are related to, but distinct from, populist antiestablishment attitudes. However, one recent study found
a negative correlation between political distrust and climate change denial across several European countries (Fairbrother, Johansson Seva & Kulin,
2019)

It is also unclear whether populist attitudes in and of themselves predict climate change denial, particularly because many parties considered right-
wing populist could more correctly be classified as far-right (i. e. ,
radical or extreme right-wing) parties. More specifically, populism is not
the most relevant aspect of their ideology (Rydgren, 2017; Stavrakakis, Katsambekis, Nikisianis, Kioupkiolis & Siomos, 2017), and political
distrust is not a consistent predictor of supporting them (Rooduijn, 2018). Rather, these parties selectively employ populist rhetoric, particularly
when aiming to gain support for their anti-immigration and anti-Muslim
agendas (Rydgren, 2017; Stavrakakis et al. , 2017, see also Mols & Jetten, 2016; Muller, Hedstrom, Valdez & Wennberg, 2014). Moreover,
antiestablishment views are not only expressed by right-wing populists (Rydgren, 2017). Consequently, it is possible that the effect of antiestablishment attitudes on anti-environmentalism is outperformed by attitudes that are compatible with the host ideology of populist right-wing parties.
Personality Underpinnings

Research on personality effects could provide further understanding about
the public perceptions of climate change in the current political
landscape. Both climate change denial (Milfont, Milojev, Greaves & Sibley, 2015) and populism (right and left; Bakker, Rooduijn & Schumacher, 2016;
Nai & Martinez i Coma, 2019) correlate negatively with Big-Five
agreeableness. This personality trait is characterized by traits of
altruism, trust, and soft-heartedness (McCrae & Costa, 2008), and it has
been suggested that individuals low in it are attracted to populist antiestablishment arguments (Bakker, Rooduijn & Schumacher, 2016). Also, agreeableness overlaps with empathy, which too has been connected to environmentalism, perhaps reflecting concern for those facing the most
serious consequences of environmental depletion (Jylha & Akrami, 2015;
Milfont & Sibley, 2016).

Further, the Big-Five personality trait openness correlates negatively with climate change denial (Jylha, 2016; Milfont, Milojev, Greaves & Sibley,
2015; Sibley et al. , 2011). Openness refers to the degree to which
individuals prefer new experiences and ideas as well as enjoy intellectual
and imaginary endeavors (McCrae & Costa, 2008). It has been suggested that openness is linked to a tendency to consider and accept relatively novel
and complex concepts, such as climate change (Sibley et al. , 2011; Jylha, 2016). In addition, low openness predicts acceptance of group-based hierarchies, which could help explain why it correlates with climate change denial (Jylha, 2016). Correlation between openness and antiestablishment attitudes could, however, be more complicated and depend on the cultural context and whether the party in question is left- or right-wing (Bakker, Rooduijn & Schumacher, 2016).
Aims and Hypotheses

Right-wing populists tend to dismiss climate change (e. g. , Lockwood,
2018), but research investigating explanations for this is still scarce.
Thus, the present article explores, in two studies, the correlations
between climate change denial and psychological variables that are linked
to right-wing populism.
Antiestablishment Attitudes and Host Ideology of Right-Wing Populist

Our first aim was to investigate if populist attitudes and the host
ideology of contemporary radical right-wing parties (exclusionary and anti- egalitarian preferences: e. g. , negative attitudes toward
multiculturalism) (see, e. g. , Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser, 2013; Rooduijn, Burgoon, van Elsas & van de Werfhorst, 2017) uniquely predict climate
change denial. Based on the anti-elite discourses observed among climate
change deniers (Cann & Raymond, 2018), and in line with previous research results using related concepts (political or institutional distrust: e. g.
, Ojala, 2015, but see Fairbrother, Johansson Seva & Kulin. , 2019), we expected that populist antiestablishment attitudes correlate positively
with climate change denial (H1a).

Importantly, however, people with various political attitudes may express antiestablishment views (Rydgren, 2017) while climate change denial is
common specifically among populists from the right-wing side of the
political spectrum (Lockwood, 2018). Thus, we hypothesized that
exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences would outperform antiestablishment attitudes in predicting denial (H1b). We also
exploratorily tested if these variables interact in predicting climate
change denial.

Furthermore, we examined one additional explanation for why
antiestablishment attitudes may correlate with climate change denial: Both
sets of attitudes are compatible with a conspirational and pseudoscientific worldview where some powerful groups (e. g. , scientists) are suspected of misleading the public (see also Castanho Silva, Vegetti & Littvay, 2017).
Thus, we exploratorily tested models where belief in pseudoscience was
included in addition to climate change denial (Study 1).
Full Model Including Personality and Ideological Variables

Our second aim was to test models that simultaneously include several psychological variables as predictors of climate change denial. These
models included the previously described variables as well as traditional values (Study 1), conservative ideologies (Social Dominance Orientation [acceptance of group-based hierarchies: Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth &
Malle, 1994] and Right-Wing Authoritarianism [authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism: Altemeyer 1998] Study 2),
and the personality traits openness and agreeableness (Study 1 & 2).

Previous research has shown that variables that capture more proximal
attitudes tend to outperform the effects of more distal and general psychological variables. For example, the effect of personality on
intergroup attitudes and climate change denial is mediated by conservative ideologies (e. g. , Akrami, Ekehammar & Bergh, 2011; Ekehammar, Akrami,
Gylje & Zakrisson, 2004; Jylha, 2016). Thus, we expected to find support
for path models where personality traits (most distal and general) form
paths to conservative ideologies (intermediate distal and general), which
in turn form paths to exclusionary and anti-egalitarian preferences (most proximal and specific), and that exclusionary and anti-egalitarian
preferences mediateat least partlythe correlations between climate change denial and the other included independent variables (H2).

As for antiestablishment attitudes, we did not form hypotheses regarding correlations with variables other than climate change denial as this would
be out of scope of the present article. However, some plausible direction
could be mentioned. Given the current liberal and cosmopolitan status quo
of Sweden (see, e. g. , Jylha, Rydgren & Strimling, 2019 b; Moffit, 2017), antiestablishment attitudes could correlate negatively rather than
positively with conservative ideologies and exclusionism/anti-
egalitarianism.

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