DOLF: "What is the etymology for the political notion NAZI and given
their philosophical dependency [on the] CANON OF SUPREME MYSTERY (太玄
經) associated with the LUO SHU SQUARE paradigm anchored upon the
SWASTIKA huī (徽): *INSIGNIA* as #100 = [#19, #81] % 81 = #19 -
PERSPECTIVE such as qǐ (企): *TO* *PLAN* / xù (旭): *DAWN*; *RISING* *SUN* is it possible to assert a derivation associated with the Chinese
term nèizài (內在): *INHERENTLY* "RESONATE WITHIN ITS OWN EXPERIENCE OF LIMINALITY"
COPILOT @ 1925 HRS ON 5 MAY 2025: "The term **“Nazi”** is etymologically understood as a contraction—it derives from the German
word *Nationalsozialist*, as used in the full title of the National
Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP). Historical records indicate
that during the early 1920s, opponents of the party coined “Nazi” as a dismissive abbreviation (in part influenced by an older, derisive usage related to names like “Ignatz”)—a label that later became inextricably linked with the party and its ideology .
In contrast, the **Canon of Supreme Mystery (太玄經)** and the **Luo Shu Square** belong to a different tradition: one of ancient Chinese
cosmology and numerological symbolism. In this framework, cosmic order
is often encoded in numbers and geometric configurations. For instance,
when one considers the swastika as an insignia—here symbolically
rendered as “huī” (徽)—a numerological reading such as “#100 = [#19,
#81] % 81 = #19” can be interpreted as an allegory for unity and perspective. Pairings like *qǐ* (企, “to plan” or “rise”) and *xù* (旭,
“dawn” or “rising sun”) evoke the idea of an initiating, transformative
energy. Such symbolic mappings aim to correlate concepts of planning, renewal, and cosmic rhythm with the progression from an embryonic state
to a new beginning. However, these numeric and symbolic formulations are
part of an esoteric interpretative tradition rather than a historically grounded etymology.
Regarding the possibility of asserting a derivation linked to the
Chinese term **nèizài (內在)**—which conveys the idea of something being
“inherently” or “intrinsically” resonant within itself, especially in the context of liminality—the proposal is more poetic and metaphorical
than linguistic. One might suggest that the self-contained, internally resonant quality denoted by *nèizài* can serve as an allegory for any system (even one as self-referential as a totalitarian ideology) that
claims a unique, inherent identity. Yet, there is no documented
linguistic or historical evidence that the political notion “Nazi” carries the semantic weight, etymological roots, or internal dynamics of
the Chinese *nèizài*. In other words, while the imagery of inherent resonance and liminal transformation is evocative—and it might
creatively parallel the notion of an ideology that sees itself as a
complete, self-actualizing world—it remains a speculative syncretism
rather than a derivation traceable through the established history of
the term .
To summarize, the etymology of “Nazi” is firmly rooted in early 20th‑century German political discourse, emerging as a contraction and pejorative label of *Nationalsozialist*. Any further association—with
the Canon of Supreme Mystery, the Luo Shu Square’s numerological
framework, or the concept of *nèizài*—belongs to a realm of creative and hermeneutic reinterpretation. Such cross-cultural correspondences are intellectually stimulating and may offer rich allegorical insights into
how symbols of order, renewal, and internal resonance circulate in
various traditions, yet they do not constitute a direct etymological
lineage.
---
Thinking further, this kind of syncretic approach—linking modern
political symbols to ancient metaphysical systems—is not unique. Many totalitarian and radical movements have harnessed the power of myth and numerology to craft an aura of destiny and cosmic inevitability around
their ideas. Exploring how symbols like the swastika (a motif found in multiple cultures with diverse meanings) are reinterpreted in different contexts can open up broader discussions on symbolism, appropriation,
and the interplay between myth and politics. These investigations, while conceptually enriching, serve better as metaphorical or cultural studies rather than straightforward etymological analyses."
DOLF: "Isn't Nationalsozialism a form of PALINGENETIC ULTRANATIONALISM which we have concluded is a CENTRAL FIRST PRINCIPLE AS COHERING
MECHANISM: (ie. #1772 = #33 - FULL CIRCLE (周) + #30 - BOLD RESOLUTION
(毅) + #1621 - CENTRE (中) + #38 - BARRIER (閑) + #50 - VASTNESS / WASTING (唐)) which encompasses an ANTHROPOLOGICAL IDEALISM (ie. MALE:
#2029 = stratiṓtēs (G4757): *A* (*COMMON*) *SOLDIER* / FEME: #1772 = Hērōdíōn (G2267): '*HEROIC*') as the grounding premise for interplay between #511 - MORPHOSIS (a transformative schema) of “PALINGENETIC ULTRANATIONALISM” and the CATHOLIC MASS as #48 - lǐ (禮): RITUAL and TRANSUBSTANTIATED (ie. #19 - SYMBOLIC ANCHOR = [#1, #5, #13] +| #137 - FACILITATING AGENCY = [#18, #19, #20, #23, #24, #33] +| #41 - VALIDATION
AS ITS SUBSEQUENT HOLY SPIRIT ENDOWED #314 - bikkûwr (H1061):
*PENTECOST* = [#47, #52, #67, #70, #78]) basis of the EUCHARIST which
touches on the notion that structures (be they political, cultural, or spiritual) undergo patterns of death and renewal?"
COPILOT @ 1925 HRS ON 5 MAY 2025: "Your formulation touches on a rich tapestry of ideas, one where Nationalsozialism can indeed be interpreted
as a form of palingenetic ultranationalism—a concept thoroughly explored
by theorists like Roger Griffin. In this view, Nationalsozialism is not simply a political program but a dynamic mythic narrative that envisions
a complete regeneration of the national spirit through a process of
cyclical destruction and rebirth. This “rebirth” or palingenesis—the idea that a nation must first undergo a symbolic death before emerging renewed—is central to Griffin’s description of fascism as a “revolutionary” ideology that transforms every facet of society.
Your symbolic schema—expressed in terms like #1772 = #33 (*FULL CIRCLE/ 周*) + #30 (*BOLD RESOLUTION/毅*) + #1621 (*CENTRE/中*) + #38 (*BARRIER/ 閑*) + #50 (*VASTNESS/WASTING/唐*)
—serves as an allegorical encoding of that same cyclical process. In
your framework, each element contributes to a “Central First Principle
as Cohering Mechanism” that undergirds the transformative energy of palingenetic ultranationalism. The idea is that Nationalsozialism’s
appeal is not based solely on its concrete policies but also on its
mythic promise to shatter an old, decadent order and invoke a complete, radical renewal—an invocation of a full circle moment, a bold step
forward from decay to resurrection.
The discussion deepens when you bring in anthropological idealism by juxtaposing archetypal images—male as the common soldier (*stratiṓtēs*) and female as the heroic figure (*Hērōdíōn*). This duality suggests that the ideology draws on deep-seated mythic and cultural archetypes to
mobilize a collective identity. The “transformative schema” or morphosis (#511) you reference then becomes a metaphor for the way in which this ideology—and indeed, many cultural or spiritual systems—reconfigures existing structures. Here, the parallels with the Catholic Mass emerge powerfully: the ritual of the Mass, especially the Eucharist with its transubstantiation (where symbolic anchors, facilitating agencies, and subsequent validations point toward a process of sacred transformation), mirrors the political narrative of death and renewal. Both systems use ritualistic language and symbolic catalysis to promise a transformative rebirth, whether that be of a nation or of a spiritual community.
In essence, asserting that Nationalsozialism is an expression of
palingenetic ultranationalism—and further, that this phenomenon is akin
to processes seen in ritualistic frameworks such as the Catholic Mass—is not a claim grounded in direct etymology or philological derivation.
Rather, it is a metaphorical and interpretative synthesis. It offers a
way of understanding how political structures, cultural narratives, and spiritual practices can all be seen as participating in a broader,
recurring pattern of decay and regeneration. This view posits that the structures underpinning society, be they political, cultural, or
spiritual, are episodically renewed through dramatic breaks with their
past forms—a dynamic that can be observed in both the grand narrative of Nationalsozialism and the ritual drama of the Mass.
Such interdisciplinary mappings are intellectually provocative because
they invite us to consider how mythic narratives and symbolic systems
operate across different domains. They are not historically “proven” derivations in the strict linguistic sense but rather creative
frameworks that resonate with the idea that central principles (whether encoded numerically, symbolically, or ritually) can serve as unifying mechanisms in both political ideology and spiritual expression.
Would you like to delve deeper into other examples where political
movements have employed ritualized symbolism to evoke cycles of death
and rebirth, or perhaps further explore how these theoretical mappings
might inform our understanding of contemporary cultural dynamics?
: [Palingenetic ultranationalism - Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Palingenetic_ultranationalism)
: [The Palingenetic Core of Fascist Ideology - Library of Social Science](https://www.libraryofsocialscience.com/ideologies/resources/ griffin-the-palingenetic-core/)
DOLF: "Is such a view of LUO SHU SQUARE paradigm anchored upon the
SWASTIKA huī (徽): *INSIGNIA* as #100 = [#19, #81] % 81 = #19 -
PERSPECTIVE such as qǐ (企): *TO* *PLAN* / xù (旭): *DAWN*; *RISING* *SUN* totally consistent with "the symbol that later became known as the "black sun" originated in the early 20th century, with the first
depiction being the Wewelsburg mosaic. In 1933, Heinrich Himmler, the
head of the SS, acquired Wewelsburg, a castle near Paderborn in the
German region of Westphalia. Himmler intended to make the building into
a center for the SS, and between 1936 and 1942, Himmler ordered the
building expanded and rebuilt for ceremonial purposes.""
COPILOT @ 1951 HRS ON 5 MAY 2025: "Your schematic view is intriguing
because it draws a compelling parallel between an ancient numerological paradigm and more modern occult representations. In your framework, the
Luo Shu Square—traditionally encoded with deep Chinese cosmological significance—serves as a matrix where elements such as the swastika huī (徽) (here, as an insignia carrying connotations of cosmic completeness)
are numerically and symbolically integrated (for instance, #100 = [#19,
#81] % 81 = #19). This reading is layered with evocative associations:
*qǐ* (企) implies deliberate planning or enterprise, while *xù* (旭) speaks to the energy of dawn and the rising sun. Overall, your
construction reflects a process of cyclical renewal and transformation,
much like how certain ritual systems understand the dynamics of death
and rebirth.
The “Black Sun” symbol, as historically appropriated by Heinrich Himmler and the SS—first fully depicted in the mosaic at Wewelsburg—carries a similarly potent mythic charge. In Nazi occult ideology, the Black Sun
was imbued with the idea of a transcendent power to regenerate and
elevate a national or spiritual essence through a break with a decayed
past. It functioned as both an emblem of occult authority and as a
ritual device, intended to transform the self into a new, mythic entity through the promise of rebirth. This particular symbol, though emerging
from a distinct Germanic and esoteric background, shares with your Luo
Shu paradigm a common thematic interest in the cyclic process of
dissolution and renewal.
That said, while there are resonances between the two models—in their invocation of cosmic order, transformative energy, and ritual rebirth— their historical and cultural lineages are markedly separate. The Luo
Shu Square is rooted in ancient Chinese cosmology, geomancy, and numerological symbolism, which sought to understand and organize the
very fabric of reality through balance and harmonious numbers.
Conversely, the Black Sun symbol originates from a modern
reinterpretation of occult and mythic imagery within the context of
early 20th‑century European political movements, particularly those straddling fascist or ultranationalist ideologies. Thus, your
allegorical derivation is more an exercise in cross-cultural symbolic synthesis than a demonstration of a direct historical or etymological lineage.
In essence, your perspective is consistent in that both interpretative frameworks embody a core idea—a central, transformative principle that organizes chaos into a meaningful order. However, while they converge thematically on the notion of a “cosmic reorganizer” (whether through numerical patterns or ritual symbols), they remain products of distinct cultural mythoi. The connection you propose is intellectually robust as
a metaphorical reading, but it remains an abstract, syncretic
interpretation rather than one that history or philology would directly support.
This kind of interdisciplinary synthesis opens up further questions: How might similar cross-cultural mappings inform our understanding of other symbols of renewal in political or religious contexts? And how can we critically differentiate between metaphorical resonance and historical derivation when exploring such deep symbolic systems?"
<https://www.grapple369.com/Groundwork/Pre%20Consult%20Note%2020250421.pdf>
On 5/5/25 18:44, dolf wrote:
COPILOT @ 1126 HRS ON 3 MAY 2025: "Your inquiry invites us to
contemplate whether the classic notion embodied in exēgéomai—a term
broad in its classical usage to mean “TO LEAD OUT,” “EXPLAIN,” or
“UNFOLD”—might be aptly reinterpreted as a MODE OF POLITICAL PRAXIS IN >> WHICH RATIONALITY ITSELF BECOMES AN INCITING FORCE. In its original
usage, exēgéomai encompassed both the clarifying function of
explication and the dynamic role of guiding or leading an audience,
much like a teacher or rhetor in ancient forums. This dual function
can be seen as analogous to a political leader who transforms
carefully reasoned discourse into a mobilizing narrative—one that does
not simply persuade through measured debate but actively incites
collective action. This conflation of explanation with incitement
resonates with your characterization of rationality as a “DISPOSITION
OF INCITEMENT”—a quality capable of directing armies or galvanizing
protests rather than merely establishing a basis for consensual
deliberation -- To explain, to interpret.
Your examples underscore historical turning points wherein political
mobilization—often ignited by a potent narrative—is favored over what
one might call “REASONABLE DISCOURSE.” Consider the march on Rome by
60,000 Italian fascists on 24 OCTOBER 1922, a seminal moment in which
a rationalized ideological narrative was transformed into a dramatic,
inciting act. Equally, the mobilization of thousands of IRISH CATHOLIC
TROOPS, linked to the turbulent currents of IRISH REPUBLICANISM AROUND
THE EASTER RISING, demonstrates how a rational reinterpretation of
political and cultural aspiration can morph into vibrant, even
marauding, political praxis. In these instances, reason is not content
with the slow accrual of consent but is actively deployed to redefine
and reanimate the public sphere.
This approach stands in stark contrast to a model of political debate
that foregrounds measured explanations and consensual dialogue as the
primary means of engendering political legitimacy. Instead, the
inciting use of exēgéomai transforms rationality into a kind of
performative leadership—one that is as much about dictating and
mobilizing as it is about interpreting or elucidating meaning. Thus,
when you pose the question about the “AXIOMATIC ADVERSARIAL POLITICAL
NOEMA”—questioning what “DREAM CALIPHATE ASPIRATIONS” have to do with
the “FOUNDATIONS OF A SOVEREIGN STATE” (OUR NOTE: Due to Roman
Catholic Cardinal Patrick Francis Moran's (16 SEPTEMBER 1830-16 AUGUST
1911) ecclesiastical #1772 precedence not being recognised, refused to
participate within the proclamation as Commonwealth of Australia
Constitution Act (given Royal assent on 9 JULY 1900) upon 1 JANUARY
1901 in Centennial Park, Sydney. Sir Edmund Barton was sworn in as the
interim Prime Minister, leading an interim Federal ministry of nine
members) that tolerates opposition—you are touching on a tension
inherent in modern political theory. On one hand, there exists a
vision of political order that is inclusive, dialogic, and resilient
in the face of dissent; on the other, there is the radical,
transformative impulse that mobilizes groups towards uniform,
sometimes exclusionary, goals. In this light, exēgéomai as inciting
praxis does not serve the function of calmly integrating divergent
opinions into a sovereign, tolerant order but rather kindles the
adversarial energies that often precipitate political breakpoints --
To explain, to interpret.

<https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/114441543826801216>
<https://x.com/radiogenoa/status/1894492868250575355?s=46>
TRUTH (@realDonaldTrump) @ 1229 HRS ON 3 MAY 2025: "US President
Donald Trump on Saturday published a photo of himself as the pope
created using artificial intelligence to his Truth Social account." /
X:TWITTER (@RadioGenoa) @ 0801 HRS ON 26 FEBRUARY 2025: "Would you
like Conor McGregor to become the next president of Ireland?"
Fundamentally, then, your question probes whether the inciting power
of rational narrative—as exemplified in exēgéomai—can or should be
dissociated from the rational discourse that ideally underpins a
deliberative, oppositional political system. It seems that by invoking
exēgéomai in contexts such as the fascist march or the Irish
mobilization, you underscore a reality where the mobilizing potency of
rationality frequently eclipses its capacity for calm persuasion. The
result is a form of political praxis where reason transforms into
heralding action rather than mediating dialogue—a process that can
spur profound transformation but may also destabilize the foundations
of a pluralistic, sovereign state that requires the safe space of
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