• Second Amendment Roundup: Court Seems Disposed to Rule for S&W and Agai

    From Michael Ejercito@21:1/5 to All on Sun Mar 9 23:18:38 2025
    XPost: talk.politics.guns, talk.politics.misc, soc.culture.usa

    https://reason.com/volokh/2025/03/09/second-amendment-roundup-court-seems-disposed-to-rule-for-sw-and-against-mexico/


    Second Amendment Roundup: Court Seems Disposed to Rule for S&W and
    Against Mexico
    The Court should settle the proximate-cause issue, not just aiding and abetting.
    Stephen Halbrook | 3.9.2025 9:44 PM

    The March 4 oral argument in Smith & Wesson Brands v. Estados Unidos
    Mexicanos appeared to go very well for S&W and not well for Mexico.
    Mexico's lawsuit seeks to hold America's federally-licensed firearm
    industry responsible for the cartel violence that plagues Mexico and to prohibit the industry from doing ordinary business in compliance with
    the federal Gun Control Act.

    Congress enacted the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA)
    in 2005 to prohibit lawsuits against the gun industry for crimes
    committed by third parties. Unable to persuade legislatures to enact prohibitionist measures, the anti-gun movement began bringing such
    litigation in the 1980s to try and destroy the industry via time and resource-consuming lawsuits and discovery. PLCAA sought to end such
    abuse of the legal system.

    PLCAA requires courts to dismiss any "qualified civil liability action,"
    which means an action brought against a licensed manufacturer or seller
    of a "qualified product" – a firearm or ammunition – "resulting from the criminal or unlawful misuse of a qualified product by the person or a
    third party." 15 U.S.C. § 7903(5)(A)(iii). That excludes an action in
    which a manufacturer or seller "knowingly violated a State or Federal
    statute applicable to the sale or marketing of the product, and the
    violation was a proximate cause of the harm for which relief is sought."

    Mexico claims that S&W and other manufacturers violated Federal criminal statutes by aiding and abetting the unlawful sale of guns and ammo by
    dealers to straw purchasers, who unlawfully transferred the firearms to
    others, who then (also unlawfully) exported them without a license from
    the Department of Commerce to Mexico, who transferred them to the
    cartels, which used them to harm others, which proximately causes harm
    to Mexico.

    From the oral argument, it appears likely that the Supreme Court will
    rule narrowly in the defendants' favor on aiding and abetting liability.
    There seemed to be at least six or seven votes for holding that Mexico's complaint does not allege sufficient facts to trigger aiding and
    abetting liability for the defendant firearms manufacturers whose
    products are allegedly diverted to Mexican cartels by rogue gun dealers.

    During the argument, Justice Barrett had the following exchange with
    Noel Francisco, counsel for the manufacturers:

    JUSTICE BARRETT: Is there any reason for us to reach the proximate
    cause question if we conclude for aiding and abetting that you win?

    MR. FRANCISCO: If you rule for us on aiding and abetting, that will
    completely dispose of the case. The reason to also address proximate
    cause is because it's an extraordinarily important issue that I think
    applies in many different contexts, which is why there's such a broad
    range of amici in this case that go well beyond the firearms industry.
    So, while you could completely resolve it on aiding and abetting, I
    would … urge you to address proximate cause as well.

    The firearms industry is facing a wave of lawsuits in which anti-gun
    activists are asking courts to hold the industry responsible for the
    criminal misuse of its products by third parties. E.g., Lowy v. Daniel
    Defense, et al., No. 24-1822 (4th Cir.) (lawsuit seeking to hold fifteen members of the firearms industry liable for school shooting in
    Washington, D.C.); Estados Unidos Mexicanos v. Diamondback Incorporate,
    No. 22-472 (D. Arizona) (lawsuit filed by Mexican government against
    firearms dealers); City of Rochester v. Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc., No. 23-6061 (W.D.N.Y.) (lawsuit filed by City of Rochester seeking to hold
    more than two dozen members of firearms industry liable for city's gun violence); Cluney v. Brownells, Inc., No. 24-207 (D. Maine) (lawsuit
    seeking to hold members of the firearms industry liable for domestic
    violence incident); Mitchell v. River City Firearms, Inc., No.
    24-CI-000518 (Jefferson Circuit Court, Kentucky) (lawsuit seeking to
    hold members of firearms industry liable for mass shooting in Louisville).

    Relatively few of these cases involve questions of aiding and abetting liability under federal law. Instead, typically the plaintiffs in these
    cases rely on a state consumer protection law or some other state
    statute rather than the federal aiding and abetting statute as the basis
    for alleging unlawful conduct by the industry. And many of these state
    laws are recently-enacted statutes by the usual suspect anti-gun states
    seeking to circumvent PLCAA's protections. The common denominator that
    unites these cases is not the alleged statutory violation but the theory
    of causation, under which the plaintiffs claim that criminal conduct by
    third parties is attributable to the sellers of firearms.

    The First Circuit ruled in favor of Mexico on the proximate cause issue
    with the following bizarre analogy:

    Imagine that a U.S. company sent a mercenary unit of combat troops to
    attack people in Mexico City. Such an attack would directly cause Mexico
    itself the expense of paying soldiers to defend the city. Proximate
    cause would be quite clear. So, too, here, where the defendants are
    alleged to have armed the attackers for their continuing assaults.

    This departs sharply from decisions of most other courts that have
    confronted this issue and black letter principles of tort law. An
    opinion joined by then-Judge Alito, City of Philadelphia v. Beretta USA
    (3d Cir. 2002) held that the causal chain "from the manufacturer to Philadelphia streets" was too "long and tortuous." With limited
    exceptions, a third party's criminal conduct ordinarily breaks the
    causal chain for purposes of proximate cause.

    If not corrected, the First Circuit's reasoning will be embraced by
    anti-gun activists in lawsuits going forward. This decision has already
    created disarray on the issue of proximate cause in the lower courts,
    and it is certain to metastasize and spread until the Supreme Court
    intervenes.

    As Congress recognized when it passed the PLCAA, burdening the firearms industry with lawsuits of this sort inhibits the exercise of Second
    Amendment rights. It also did so to ensure a robust domestic firearms
    industry, which is important for America's military and police officers.
    This is an important issue that the Court ought to decide sooner rather
    than later.

    The Court should take this opportunity to clarify that the standard for proximate cause under PLCAA is consistent with the standard for
    proximate cause that the Court has used for other federal statutes,
    including RICO. As Chief Justice Roberts wrote in Hemi Group, LLC v.
    City of New York (2010), if multiple steps stand in between the conduct
    and the harm, then the connection becomes too "remote," "contingent,"
    and "indirect" to satisfy basic proximate cause. This standard requires
    a direct connection between the defendant's conduct and the plaintiff's
    injury. A causal chain with multiple steps – especially intervening
    steps that involve criminal conduct by third parties – will not suffice.

    Questioning during the oral argument exhibited the utter implausibility
    of Mexico's case. Justice Thomas asked Mexico counsel Catherine Stetson whether ATF prosecuted or revoked the licenses of any dealers for the
    alleged straw sales with which the manufacturers connived. Ms. Stetson
    replied that ATF doesn't have the resources to monitor every dealer.
    Yet based on a newspaper article, Mexico had argued that Lone Wolf
    Trading Co. was the epitome of the "rogue" dealer. If true, ATF would
    have taken action. Yet Lone Wolf remains in business today.

    Mexico argues that manufacturers are on notice of dealers who conduct
    straw sales and that they continue to supply such dealers, which is the proximate cause of harm to Mexico. As Ms. Stetson claimed, "Trace
    requests from ATF and other agencies alert defendants that guns they
    sell to specific distributors and dealers are being recovered at crime
    scenes." That expressed utter ignorance of how trace requests work. A
    trace request begins with the manufacturer, whose name and serial number
    are engraved on a firearm. A manufacturer like S&W would inform ATF of
    the distributer to which it transferred the firearm. S&W would have no knowledge of which dealers the distributer transferred the firearm to,
    not to mention the reason for the trace request.

    As Justices Jackson, Kagan, and Barrett all pointed out, Mexico didn't
    sue or even identify any specific dealers who conducted straw sales and
    were in the chain of proximate cause of harm to Mexico.

    Not to mention that a trace request does not mean that a firearm was
    "recovered at a crime scene." Given Mexico's stringent firearm
    prohibitions, firearms are regularly seized from ordinary citizens whose "papers are not in order." Moreover, Congress has declared by law that
    "Law enforcement agencies may request firearms traces for any reason,
    and those reasons are not necessarily reported to the Federal
    Government. Not all firearms used in crime are traced and not all
    firearms traced are used in crime."

    Perhaps the most ridiculous claim to show proximate cause was that the manufacturers design firearms to appeal to the cartels. As Chief
    Justice Roberts characterized the claim, "it [the firearm] looks like a military weapon and it has an American flag" or it "has Zapata's quote
    about better to die on your feet than live on your knees." Such things
    "are not illegal in any way" and appeal to "people who want the
    experience of shooting a particular type of gun because they find it
    more enjoyable than using a BB gun."

    Ms. Stetson pushed back, claiming that the Colt "Emiliano Zapata 1911"
    pistol "target[ed] the Mexican market, including the cartels." In fact,
    Zapata was a Mexican hero who fought against successive dictatorships,
    and Colt's pistol with intricate engravings is something even a Gringo
    would be proud to own. And that's Mexico's case for Colt's marketing
    being the proximate cause of cartel violence?

    Several Justices commented on how Mexico's version of proximate cause
    could destroy any number of industries. If Budweiser is on notice that extraordinary sales of beer take place in a college town, that is the
    proximate cause of underage drinking and the damage it causes. Makers
    of baseball bats and knives are aware that some of their products will
    be used in assaults and murders for which they are thus responsible.
    Those are more reasons why the Court should resolve the proximate-cause
    issue in this case.

    Justice Jackson in particular elaborated at length that in enacting
    PLCAA, "Congress [was] protecting its own prerogative to be the one to
    regulate this industry, … and the statute itself says that … we're
    worried that tort suits are an attempt to use the judicial branch to
    circumvent the legislative branch of government." She referred to
    PLCAA's term "qualified civil liability action" as meaning "you can't
    bring in court … a civil action resulting from the criminal or unlawful misuse of a qualified product by the person of a third party."

    At bottom, even if the Supreme Court could resolve this case by finding
    that Mexico has not stated a claim for aiding-and-abetting liability, it
    should also go further and find that its allegations do not suffice to establish proximate cause. That will facilitate the resolution of
    numerous other cases under PLCAA, which the Court will otherwise have to resolve in the future. It will also discourage frivolous suits against American industry in general based on an overly-expansive version of
    proximate cause.

    For more on the case, see my post from 10/22/24. For background, see my
    2004 Chapman Law Review article from when PLCAA was pending in Congress

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Loose Cannon@21:1/5 to MEjercit@HotMail.com on Mon Mar 10 23:23:03 2025
    XPost: talk.politics.guns, talk.politics.misc, soc.culture.usa
    XPost: uk.legal

    On Sun, 9 Mar 2025 23:18:38 -0700, Michael Ejercito
    <MEjercit@HotMail.com> wrote:

    https://reason.com/volokh/2025/03/09/second-amendment-roundup-court-seems-disposed-to-rule-for-sw-and-against-mexico/


    Second Amendment Roundup: Court Seems Disposed to Rule for S&W and
    Against Mexico
    The Court should settle the proximate-cause issue, not just aiding and >abetting.
    Stephen Halbrook | 3.9.2025 9:44 PM

    The March 4 oral argument in Smith & Wesson Brands v. Estados Unidos >Mexicanos appeared to go very well for S&W and not well for Mexico.
    Mexico's lawsuit seeks to hold America's federally-licensed firearm
    industry responsible for the cartel violence that plagues Mexico and to >prohibit the industry from doing ordinary business in compliance with
    the federal Gun Control Act.

    Congress enacted the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA)
    in 2005 to prohibit lawsuits against the gun industry for crimes
    committed by third parties. Unable to persuade legislatures to enact >prohibitionist measures, the anti-gun movement began bringing such
    litigation in the 1980s to try and destroy the industry via time and >resource-consuming lawsuits and discovery. PLCAA sought to end such
    abuse of the legal system.

    PLCAA requires courts to dismiss any "qualified civil liability action," >which means an action brought against a licensed manufacturer or seller
    of a "qualified product" – a firearm or ammunition – "resulting from the >criminal or unlawful misuse of a qualified product by the person or a
    third party." 15 U.S.C. § 7903(5)(A)(iii). That excludes an action in
    which a manufacturer or seller "knowingly violated a State or Federal
    statute applicable to the sale or marketing of the product, and the
    violation was a proximate cause of the harm for which relief is sought."

    Mexico claims that S&W and other manufacturers violated Federal criminal >statutes by aiding and abetting the unlawful sale of guns and ammo by
    dealers to straw purchasers, who unlawfully transferred the firearms to >others, who then (also unlawfully) exported them without a license from
    the Department of Commerce to Mexico, who transferred them to the
    cartels, which used them to harm others, which proximately causes harm
    to Mexico.

    From the oral argument, it appears likely that the Supreme Court will
    rule narrowly in the defendants' favor on aiding and abetting liability. >There seemed to be at least six or seven votes for holding that Mexico's >complaint does not allege sufficient facts to trigger aiding and
    abetting liability for the defendant firearms manufacturers whose
    products are allegedly diverted to Mexican cartels by rogue gun dealers.

    During the argument, Justice Barrett had the following exchange with
    Noel Francisco, counsel for the manufacturers:

    JUSTICE BARRETT: Is there any reason for us to reach the proximate
    cause question if we conclude for aiding and abetting that you win?

    MR. FRANCISCO: If you rule for us on aiding and abetting, that will >completely dispose of the case. The reason to also address proximate
    cause is because it's an extraordinarily important issue that I think
    applies in many different contexts, which is why there's such a broad
    range of amici in this case that go well beyond the firearms industry.
    So, while you could completely resolve it on aiding and abetting, I
    would … urge you to address proximate cause as well.

    The firearms industry is facing a wave of lawsuits in which anti-gun >activists are asking courts to hold the industry responsible for the
    criminal misuse of its products by third parties. E.g., Lowy v. Daniel >Defense, et al., No. 24-1822 (4th Cir.) (lawsuit seeking to hold fifteen >members of the firearms industry liable for school shooting in
    Washington, D.C.); Estados Unidos Mexicanos v. Diamondback Incorporate,
    No. 22-472 (D. Arizona) (lawsuit filed by Mexican government against
    firearms dealers); City of Rochester v. Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc., No. >23-6061 (W.D.N.Y.) (lawsuit filed by City of Rochester seeking to hold
    more than two dozen members of firearms industry liable for city's gun >violence); Cluney v. Brownells, Inc., No. 24-207 (D. Maine) (lawsuit
    seeking to hold members of the firearms industry liable for domestic
    violence incident); Mitchell v. River City Firearms, Inc., No.
    24-CI-000518 (Jefferson Circuit Court, Kentucky) (lawsuit seeking to
    hold members of firearms industry liable for mass shooting in Louisville).

    Relatively few of these cases involve questions of aiding and abetting >liability under federal law. Instead, typically the plaintiffs in these
    cases rely on a state consumer protection law or some other state
    statute rather than the federal aiding and abetting statute as the basis
    for alleging unlawful conduct by the industry. And many of these state
    laws are recently-enacted statutes by the usual suspect anti-gun states >seeking to circumvent PLCAA's protections. The common denominator that >unites these cases is not the alleged statutory violation but the theory
    of causation, under which the plaintiffs claim that criminal conduct by
    third parties is attributable to the sellers of firearms.

    The First Circuit ruled in favor of Mexico on the proximate cause issue
    with the following bizarre analogy:

    Imagine that a U.S. company sent a mercenary unit of combat troops to
    attack people in Mexico City. Such an attack would directly cause Mexico >itself the expense of paying soldiers to defend the city. Proximate
    cause would be quite clear. So, too, here, where the defendants are
    alleged to have armed the attackers for their continuing assaults.

    This departs sharply from decisions of most other courts that have
    confronted this issue and black letter principles of tort law. An
    opinion joined by then-Judge Alito, City of Philadelphia v. Beretta USA
    (3d Cir. 2002) held that the causal chain "from the manufacturer to >Philadelphia streets" was too "long and tortuous." With limited
    exceptions, a third party's criminal conduct ordinarily breaks the
    causal chain for purposes of proximate cause.

    If not corrected, the First Circuit's reasoning will be embraced by
    anti-gun activists in lawsuits going forward. This decision has already >created disarray on the issue of proximate cause in the lower courts,
    and it is certain to metastasize and spread until the Supreme Court >intervenes.

    As Congress recognized when it passed the PLCAA, burdening the firearms >industry with lawsuits of this sort inhibits the exercise of Second
    Amendment rights. It also did so to ensure a robust domestic firearms >industry, which is important for America's military and police officers.
    This is an important issue that the Court ought to decide sooner rather
    than later.

    The Court should take this opportunity to clarify that the standard for >proximate cause under PLCAA is consistent with the standard for
    proximate cause that the Court has used for other federal statutes,
    including RICO. As Chief Justice Roberts wrote in Hemi Group, LLC v.
    City of New York (2010), if multiple steps stand in between the conduct
    and the harm, then the connection becomes too "remote," "contingent,"
    and "indirect" to satisfy basic proximate cause. This standard requires
    a direct connection between the defendant's conduct and the plaintiff's >injury. A causal chain with multiple steps – especially intervening
    steps that involve criminal conduct by third parties – will not suffice.

    Questioning during the oral argument exhibited the utter implausibility
    of Mexico's case. Justice Thomas asked Mexico counsel Catherine Stetson >whether ATF prosecuted or revoked the licenses of any dealers for the
    alleged straw sales with which the manufacturers connived. Ms. Stetson >replied that ATF doesn't have the resources to monitor every dealer.
    Yet based on a newspaper article, Mexico had argued that Lone Wolf
    Trading Co. was the epitome of the "rogue" dealer. If true, ATF would
    have taken action. Yet Lone Wolf remains in business today.

    Mexico argues that manufacturers are on notice of dealers who conduct
    straw sales and that they continue to supply such dealers, which is the >proximate cause of harm to Mexico. As Ms. Stetson claimed, "Trace
    requests from ATF and other agencies alert defendants that guns they
    sell to specific distributors and dealers are being recovered at crime >scenes." That expressed utter ignorance of how trace requests work. A
    trace request begins with the manufacturer, whose name and serial number
    are engraved on a firearm. A manufacturer like S&W would inform ATF of
    the distributer to which it transferred the firearm. S&W would have no >knowledge of which dealers the distributer transferred the firearm to,
    not to mention the reason for the trace request.

    As Justices Jackson, Kagan, and Barrett all pointed out, Mexico didn't
    sue or even identify any specific dealers who conducted straw sales and
    were in the chain of proximate cause of harm to Mexico.

    Not to mention that a trace request does not mean that a firearm was >"recovered at a crime scene." Given Mexico's stringent firearm
    prohibitions, firearms are regularly seized from ordinary citizens whose >"papers are not in order." Moreover, Congress has declared by law that
    "Law enforcement agencies may request firearms traces for any reason,
    and those reasons are not necessarily reported to the Federal
    Government. Not all firearms used in crime are traced and not all
    firearms traced are used in crime."

    Perhaps the most ridiculous claim to show proximate cause was that the >manufacturers design firearms to appeal to the cartels. As Chief
    Justice Roberts characterized the claim, "it [the firearm] looks like a >military weapon and it has an American flag" or it "has Zapata's quote
    about better to die on your feet than live on your knees." Such things
    "are not illegal in any way" and appeal to "people who want the
    experience of shooting a particular type of gun because they find it
    more enjoyable than using a BB gun."

    Ms. Stetson pushed back, claiming that the Colt "Emiliano Zapata 1911"
    pistol "target[ed] the Mexican market, including the cartels." In fact, >Zapata was a Mexican hero who fought against successive dictatorships,
    and Colt's pistol with intricate engravings is something even a Gringo
    would be proud to own. And that's Mexico's case for Colt's marketing
    being the proximate cause of cartel violence?

    Several Justices commented on how Mexico's version of proximate cause
    could destroy any number of industries. If Budweiser is on notice that >extraordinary sales of beer take place in a college town, that is the >proximate cause of underage drinking and the damage it causes. Makers
    of baseball bats and knives are aware that some of their products will
    be used in assaults and murders for which they are thus responsible.
    Those are more reasons why the Court should resolve the proximate-cause
    issue in this case.

    Justice Jackson in particular elaborated at length that in enacting
    PLCAA, "Congress [was] protecting its own prerogative to be the one to >regulate this industry, … and the statute itself says that … we're
    worried that tort suits are an attempt to use the judicial branch to >circumvent the legislative branch of government." She referred to
    PLCAA's term "qualified civil liability action" as meaning "you can't
    bring in court … a civil action resulting from the criminal or unlawful >misuse of a qualified product by the person of a third party."

    At bottom, even if the Supreme Court could resolve this case by finding
    that Mexico has not stated a claim for aiding-and-abetting liability, it >should also go further and find that its allegations do not suffice to >establish proximate cause. That will facilitate the resolution of
    numerous other cases under PLCAA, which the Court will otherwise have to >resolve in the future. It will also discourage frivolous suits against >American industry in general based on an overly-expansive version of >proximate cause.

    For more on the case, see my post from 10/22/24. For background, see my
    2004 Chapman Law Review article from when PLCAA was pending in Congress

    The Bill of Rights have nothing to do with you. These are protections
    afforded to Americans, so please MYOB


    ARMS IN THE HANDS OF JEWS ARE A DANGER
    TO PUBLIC SAFETY

    - by STEPHEN P. HALBROOK

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Michael Ejercito@21:1/5 to Loose Cannon on Tue Mar 11 05:30:54 2025
    XPost: talk.politics.guns, talk.politics.misc, soc.culture.usa
    XPost: uk.legal

    Loose Cannon wrote:
    On Sun, 9 Mar 2025 23:18:38 -0700, Michael Ejercito
    <MEjercit@HotMail.com> wrote:

    https://reason.com/volokh/2025/03/09/second-amendment-roundup-court-seems-disposed-to-rule-for-sw-and-against-mexico/


    Second Amendment Roundup: Court Seems Disposed to Rule for S&W and
    Against Mexico
    The Court should settle the proximate-cause issue, not just aiding and
    abetting.
    Stephen Halbrook | 3.9.2025 9:44 PM

    The March 4 oral argument in Smith & Wesson Brands v. Estados Unidos
    Mexicanos appeared to go very well for S&W and not well for Mexico.
    Mexico's lawsuit seeks to hold America's federally-licensed firearm
    industry responsible for the cartel violence that plagues Mexico and to
    prohibit the industry from doing ordinary business in compliance with
    the federal Gun Control Act.

    Congress enacted the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA)
    in 2005 to prohibit lawsuits against the gun industry for crimes
    committed by third parties. Unable to persuade legislatures to enact
    prohibitionist measures, the anti-gun movement began bringing such
    litigation in the 1980s to try and destroy the industry via time and
    resource-consuming lawsuits and discovery. PLCAA sought to end such
    abuse of the legal system.

    PLCAA requires courts to dismiss any "qualified civil liability action,"
    which means an action brought against a licensed manufacturer or seller
    of a "qualified product" – a firearm or ammunition – "resulting from the >> criminal or unlawful misuse of a qualified product by the person or a
    third party." 15 U.S.C. § 7903(5)(A)(iii). That excludes an action in
    which a manufacturer or seller "knowingly violated a State or Federal
    statute applicable to the sale or marketing of the product, and the
    violation was a proximate cause of the harm for which relief is sought."

    Mexico claims that S&W and other manufacturers violated Federal criminal
    statutes by aiding and abetting the unlawful sale of guns and ammo by
    dealers to straw purchasers, who unlawfully transferred the firearms to
    others, who then (also unlawfully) exported them without a license from
    the Department of Commerce to Mexico, who transferred them to the
    cartels, which used them to harm others, which proximately causes harm
    to Mexico.

    From the oral argument, it appears likely that the Supreme Court will
    rule narrowly in the defendants' favor on aiding and abetting liability.
    There seemed to be at least six or seven votes for holding that Mexico's
    complaint does not allege sufficient facts to trigger aiding and
    abetting liability for the defendant firearms manufacturers whose
    products are allegedly diverted to Mexican cartels by rogue gun dealers.

    During the argument, Justice Barrett had the following exchange with
    Noel Francisco, counsel for the manufacturers:

    JUSTICE BARRETT: Is there any reason for us to reach the proximate
    cause question if we conclude for aiding and abetting that you win?

    MR. FRANCISCO: If you rule for us on aiding and abetting, that will
    completely dispose of the case. The reason to also address proximate
    cause is because it's an extraordinarily important issue that I think
    applies in many different contexts, which is why there's such a broad
    range of amici in this case that go well beyond the firearms industry.
    So, while you could completely resolve it on aiding and abetting, I
    would … urge you to address proximate cause as well.

    The firearms industry is facing a wave of lawsuits in which anti-gun
    activists are asking courts to hold the industry responsible for the
    criminal misuse of its products by third parties. E.g., Lowy v. Daniel
    Defense, et al., No. 24-1822 (4th Cir.) (lawsuit seeking to hold fifteen
    members of the firearms industry liable for school shooting in
    Washington, D.C.); Estados Unidos Mexicanos v. Diamondback Incorporate,
    No. 22-472 (D. Arizona) (lawsuit filed by Mexican government against
    firearms dealers); City of Rochester v. Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc., No.
    23-6061 (W.D.N.Y.) (lawsuit filed by City of Rochester seeking to hold
    more than two dozen members of firearms industry liable for city's gun
    violence); Cluney v. Brownells, Inc., No. 24-207 (D. Maine) (lawsuit
    seeking to hold members of the firearms industry liable for domestic
    violence incident); Mitchell v. River City Firearms, Inc., No.
    24-CI-000518 (Jefferson Circuit Court, Kentucky) (lawsuit seeking to
    hold members of firearms industry liable for mass shooting in Louisville). >>
    Relatively few of these cases involve questions of aiding and abetting
    liability under federal law. Instead, typically the plaintiffs in these
    cases rely on a state consumer protection law or some other state
    statute rather than the federal aiding and abetting statute as the basis
    for alleging unlawful conduct by the industry. And many of these state
    laws are recently-enacted statutes by the usual suspect anti-gun states
    seeking to circumvent PLCAA's protections. The common denominator that
    unites these cases is not the alleged statutory violation but the theory
    of causation, under which the plaintiffs claim that criminal conduct by
    third parties is attributable to the sellers of firearms.

    The First Circuit ruled in favor of Mexico on the proximate cause issue
    with the following bizarre analogy:

    Imagine that a U.S. company sent a mercenary unit of combat troops to
    attack people in Mexico City. Such an attack would directly cause Mexico
    itself the expense of paying soldiers to defend the city. Proximate
    cause would be quite clear. So, too, here, where the defendants are
    alleged to have armed the attackers for their continuing assaults.

    This departs sharply from decisions of most other courts that have
    confronted this issue and black letter principles of tort law. An
    opinion joined by then-Judge Alito, City of Philadelphia v. Beretta USA
    (3d Cir. 2002) held that the causal chain "from the manufacturer to
    Philadelphia streets" was too "long and tortuous." With limited
    exceptions, a third party's criminal conduct ordinarily breaks the
    causal chain for purposes of proximate cause.

    If not corrected, the First Circuit's reasoning will be embraced by
    anti-gun activists in lawsuits going forward. This decision has already
    created disarray on the issue of proximate cause in the lower courts,
    and it is certain to metastasize and spread until the Supreme Court
    intervenes.

    As Congress recognized when it passed the PLCAA, burdening the firearms
    industry with lawsuits of this sort inhibits the exercise of Second
    Amendment rights. It also did so to ensure a robust domestic firearms
    industry, which is important for America's military and police officers.
    This is an important issue that the Court ought to decide sooner rather
    than later.

    The Court should take this opportunity to clarify that the standard for
    proximate cause under PLCAA is consistent with the standard for
    proximate cause that the Court has used for other federal statutes,
    including RICO. As Chief Justice Roberts wrote in Hemi Group, LLC v.
    City of New York (2010), if multiple steps stand in between the conduct
    and the harm, then the connection becomes too "remote," "contingent,"
    and "indirect" to satisfy basic proximate cause. This standard requires
    a direct connection between the defendant's conduct and the plaintiff's
    injury. A causal chain with multiple steps – especially intervening
    steps that involve criminal conduct by third parties – will not suffice. >>
    Questioning during the oral argument exhibited the utter implausibility
    of Mexico's case. Justice Thomas asked Mexico counsel Catherine Stetson
    whether ATF prosecuted or revoked the licenses of any dealers for the
    alleged straw sales with which the manufacturers connived. Ms. Stetson
    replied that ATF doesn't have the resources to monitor every dealer.
    Yet based on a newspaper article, Mexico had argued that Lone Wolf
    Trading Co. was the epitome of the "rogue" dealer. If true, ATF would
    have taken action. Yet Lone Wolf remains in business today.

    Mexico argues that manufacturers are on notice of dealers who conduct
    straw sales and that they continue to supply such dealers, which is the
    proximate cause of harm to Mexico. As Ms. Stetson claimed, "Trace
    requests from ATF and other agencies alert defendants that guns they
    sell to specific distributors and dealers are being recovered at crime
    scenes." That expressed utter ignorance of how trace requests work. A
    trace request begins with the manufacturer, whose name and serial number
    are engraved on a firearm. A manufacturer like S&W would inform ATF of
    the distributer to which it transferred the firearm. S&W would have no
    knowledge of which dealers the distributer transferred the firearm to,
    not to mention the reason for the trace request.

    As Justices Jackson, Kagan, and Barrett all pointed out, Mexico didn't
    sue or even identify any specific dealers who conducted straw sales and
    were in the chain of proximate cause of harm to Mexico.

    Not to mention that a trace request does not mean that a firearm was
    "recovered at a crime scene." Given Mexico's stringent firearm
    prohibitions, firearms are regularly seized from ordinary citizens whose
    "papers are not in order." Moreover, Congress has declared by law that
    "Law enforcement agencies may request firearms traces for any reason,
    and those reasons are not necessarily reported to the Federal
    Government. Not all firearms used in crime are traced and not all
    firearms traced are used in crime."

    Perhaps the most ridiculous claim to show proximate cause was that the
    manufacturers design firearms to appeal to the cartels. As Chief
    Justice Roberts characterized the claim, "it [the firearm] looks like a
    military weapon and it has an American flag" or it "has Zapata's quote
    about better to die on your feet than live on your knees." Such things
    "are not illegal in any way" and appeal to "people who want the
    experience of shooting a particular type of gun because they find it
    more enjoyable than using a BB gun."

    Ms. Stetson pushed back, claiming that the Colt "Emiliano Zapata 1911"
    pistol "target[ed] the Mexican market, including the cartels." In fact,
    Zapata was a Mexican hero who fought against successive dictatorships,
    and Colt's pistol with intricate engravings is something even a Gringo
    would be proud to own. And that's Mexico's case for Colt's marketing
    being the proximate cause of cartel violence?

    Several Justices commented on how Mexico's version of proximate cause
    could destroy any number of industries. If Budweiser is on notice that
    extraordinary sales of beer take place in a college town, that is the
    proximate cause of underage drinking and the damage it causes. Makers
    of baseball bats and knives are aware that some of their products will
    be used in assaults and murders for which they are thus responsible.
    Those are more reasons why the Court should resolve the proximate-cause
    issue in this case.

    Justice Jackson in particular elaborated at length that in enacting
    PLCAA, "Congress [was] protecting its own prerogative to be the one to
    regulate this industry, … and the statute itself says that … we're
    worried that tort suits are an attempt to use the judicial branch to
    circumvent the legislative branch of government." She referred to
    PLCAA's term "qualified civil liability action" as meaning "you can't
    bring in court … a civil action resulting from the criminal or unlawful
    misuse of a qualified product by the person of a third party."

    At bottom, even if the Supreme Court could resolve this case by finding
    that Mexico has not stated a claim for aiding-and-abetting liability, it
    should also go further and find that its allegations do not suffice to
    establish proximate cause. That will facilitate the resolution of
    numerous other cases under PLCAA, which the Court will otherwise have to
    resolve in the future. It will also discourage frivolous suits against
    American industry in general based on an overly-expansive version of
    proximate cause.

    For more on the case, see my post from 10/22/24. For background, see my
    2004 Chapman Law Review article from when PLCAA was pending in Congress

    The Bill of Rights have nothing to do with you. These are protections afforded to Americans, so please MYOB

    I am an American!


    Michael

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