• =?UTF-8?Q?Resource_Allocation=3A_Why_You_Can=E2=80=99t_=E2=80=98Jus?= =

    From a425couple@21:1/5 to All on Tue Oct 29 10:16:38 2024
    XPost: alt.economics, seattle.politics, or.politics

    from https://thedailyeconomy.org/article/resource-allocation-why-you-cant-just-ignore-the-economists/

    Resource Allocation: Why You Can’t ‘Just Ignore the Economists’
    “Rather than paying with money, those in search of scarce goods people
    will pay with their time and effort.” ~David Hebert

    David Hebert
    September 27, 2024

    Law professor Zephyr Teachout at a Labor Day event in New York City. 2014.
    In a recent Atlantic article titled “Sometimes You Just Have to Ignore
    the Economists,” law professor Zephyr Teachout castigates economists for their nigh-universal denouncing of Vice President and now presidential
    nominee Kamala Harris’s plan to impose nationwide anti-”price-gouging” laws on groceries.

    Teachout’s criticisms of economists and how “regular people seem to understand a few things that economists don’t” stem from her misunderstanding what she calls “abnormal” conditions: that is, “short-term price spikes.”

    But the price-gouging, as Teachout and Harris present it, is for items
    whose prices have skyrocketed due to inflation. This is hardly a
    short-term phenomenon. Teachout’s critiques of economists’ opposition to price-gouging are thus premised on a basic misreading of the causes of
    price increases in recent years.

    General Trends vs. Specific Trend
    When we refer to prices rising due to inflation, we are speaking of a
    general increase in the overall price level. We can measure this with
    the consumer price index (CPI). By looking at the Federal Reserve
    Economic Data (FRED), we see that consumer prices have risen almost 32
    percent since January 2016, with a sharp increase once the COVID
    pandemic began.

    To get a sense of how the cost of production can rise over time, we can
    look at the producer price index (PPI). Again, FRED data are very clear
    on this: costs to producers have increased by 41 percent since January
    2016. Looking specifically at supermarkets and other grocery stores
    reveals the same increase in producer costs. Taken together, these data
    paint a completely different picture to that presented by Teachout:
    consumer prices have risen slower than producer costs. If anything,
    producers are absorbing more of the cost of production than they used to
    — not less. This underscores the fallacy of blaming businesses for “greedflation.”

    Other data support this analysis of grocery prices. A Food Industry
    Association report shows that grocery stores around the country did
    indeed see their profit margins rise in the aftermath of the pandemic.
    Labor costs fell as consumers shifted to purchasing groceries online and
    opting for pick-up instead of walking around the store themselves. But
    the profit margins quickly fell back to their historic averages as the
    pandemic abated and, more importantly, as COVID policies constricting international shipping sunsetted. Profit margins for food and grocery
    stores may remain slightly higher than their pre-pandemic levels. But
    those were historic lows, not the norm.

    If Harris was to ban “price-gouging” on groceries purchased by
    consumers, the result would be disastrous. By preventing prices for
    groceries sold to consumers from rising in response to inflation, Harris
    would encourage shrinkflation — the idea that sellers would rather
    reduce the size or quantity of a product while keeping price constant
    rather than keep the size or quantity constant and increase price —
    which President Joe Biden has denounced. Fortunately for us, even
    Democratic lawmakers are calming constituents and telling industry
    leaders that Congress would not pass Harris’s proposal.

    More Troubling
    But back to Teachout’s arguments for anti-price-gouging laws: she claims
    that “short-term demand cannot be met by short-term supply.” But an economist would point out that producers do not need to “spin up” new factories or increased capacities in the short term. Instead, they need
    to respond to price-signals. In such cases, resources bound for other
    parts of the country would be redirected to the area where the price is
    higher. This is what happened with lumber during Hurricane Katrina and
    bottled water during Hurricane Sandy. Trucks carrying these precious
    resources were recalled and rerouted to New Orleans and New York City, respectively. This reduced the supply in the “low-demand” areas of the country and provided the increased quantity-supplied in the area
    experiencing temporarily high demand.

    Lest we think that this phenomenon is isolated to natural disasters, we
    saw the same happen in Flint, Michigan during its water crisis. Because
    the price of bottled water rose, more bottled water was sent there to
    people in desperate need of it rather than other locations where it was
    less necessary.

    It is possible that the idea that “temporarily higher-priced products
    will find their way to the people who value them the most” might not, as Teachout claims, perfectly hold in the real world. Teachout gives the
    example of “a working-class cancer patient who desperately needs to buy
    the last generator in stock to keep his medications refrigerated might
    not be able to outbid a healthy millionaire who just wants to run their
    air conditioner” as evidence of this.

    However, the relevant insight from economics is not “the glory of
    prices.” The right answer is to ask “compared to what?” Let’s take Teachout’s example of the cancer patient in need of a generator. Like Teachout, I would rather live in a world where the middle-class cancer
    patient gets the generator rather than the millionaire who wants to run
    his air conditioning. But what alternatives do we have to free prices?

    Suppose that instead of allowing prices to fully rise, we cap the price increase (as occurs under current price-gouging laws). But when monetary
    costs are prevented from rising fully, non-monetary costs will rise to
    fill the gap. One such cost is time. In the months following natural
    disasters, we typically observe queues outside stores as people
    desperately try to access the small amount of goods available at
    artificially low prices. We see people flocking to Red Cross donation
    trucks, clamoring to get the supplies their families desperately want.
    We see people driving around town looking for stores that are open,
    making phone calls to other stores in town and the surrounding area
    trying to get a hold of someone who has what they want and is willing to
    hold it for them until they can get there.

    In other words, rather than paying with money for these goods, these
    people are paying with their time and effort. Such time and effort are resources that could have been directed towards rebuilding. After all,
    you can’t begin the cleanup and rebuilding effort if you’re standing in line.

    Another way to solve the allocation problem would be to use democracy.
    But consider what we would need to do to accomplish this.

    First, we would somehow have to rank the alternative uses of the
    resources. Should we rebuild the hospital first or the daycare center? Rebuilding the hospital means that people who are sick or injured can be
    taken care of more quickly. But as anyone with children will tell you,
    if you want to get something done around the house, the first step is to
    find a way to get the kids out of the house. Rebuilding the daycare
    center first might provide more parents with more opportunities to get
    more facilities rebuilt more quickly.

    A second difficulty with a democratic approach to deciding
    resource-allocation would be finding a time where everyone could come
    together and voice their concerns. Finding such a time is hard enough in politics. But even if we could find such a time, we would have to assume
    they would do so honestly, lest we try to make a democratic decision
    with false information. Do we really think that everyone will tell the
    truth all the time? And do we really believe that democratic votes will
    render the most efficient outcome? And by what criteria would people be
    able to know whether the vote has produced the best outcome for everyone?

    These are the types of matters with which college freshmen enrolled in
    Econ 101 courses are required to grapple. They are also core questions
    that Teachout’s analysis does not address.

    In the end, this is the fundamental problem with Teachout’s criticism of economists: her grasp of economics itself just does not hold water. Just
    as economists should stay out of court proceedings, so too should
    lawyers stay out of making pronouncements about how economies operate.

    David Hebert

    How Vox Changed Its Mind About Volunteering
    Jon Miltimore
    The DOJ Is Suing RealPage for Housing Inflation the Government Caused
    Oct 29
    Censorship Attacks the Pursuit of Truth
    Oct 28

    Who We Are
    The Daily Economy is the news outlet of the American Institute for
    Economic Research. We publish data, stories, research, and articles
    touching on economics, politics, culture, education, policy, opinion, technology, markets, healthcare, regulation, trends, and much more.

    Facebook
    X

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)